Dateline Syria – 2017: Depending upon whose liberal source of information you consult – there are either 1% or 10% of the Muslims in the world who are radicalized or sympathetic to the radicalism of the aggressive sort we have seen killing our people. Despite the fact that even this percentage translates into a lot of people – what about the remaining 99% or 90%? The article below presented by a reputable journalist in the field who risked his life for years to get to the truth of the war in Syria (Robert Fisk) helps us catch a glimpse at that “silent majority” of Muslims who we are told “reassuringly” are harmless and make Islam “a religion of peace.” The case files you will read below teach us about the unimaginable intellectual poverty of the wider masses of Muslims in the Middle East – the dangerous fact that they could be turned into collaborationists at ANY moment – and no matter with whom! They could just as easily collaborate with George W. Bush as they could rebel against him, and make a deal with Bin Laden’s cohorts or the Syrian government, or with any force in the field that claims control over them. This tough psychology of collaboration is endemic to the Islamic world, and it isn’t an original discovery of mine, but occurred long ago when eminent European philologists coined the significant concept known as “fellaheenism” (“fellaheen” means “farmer” in Arabic, but here intends to refer to the Arab peasants of the desert interested in their own survival only). The only deeply far-sighted Arab leader in the 20th century, King Faisal of Iraq-Syria, knew this all too well when he stated the following (which is a working definition of “fellaheenism”):
- “In Iraq … there is still no Iraqi people, but unimaginable masses of human beings, devoid of any patriotic ideal … connected by no common tie, giving ear to evil, prone to anarchy, and perpetually ready to rise against any government whatsoever. Out of these masses, we want to fashion a people which we would train, educated, and refine … The circumstances being what they are, the immenseness of the efforts needed for this cannot be imagined.”
And so this remains true to this day. Efforts to make peace in the Middle East have failed. Fellaheenism was responsible for Arab Spring, just as much as it was behind the great revolts in the Fez at the turn of the last century and prior – or even the Palestinian Intifada. The Syrian situation arose as a result of this tendency to be complicit in crimes of rebellion against any authority under any pretext whatsoever. It is left up to the paid and compromised journalists of the big cities of the West to put a convenient cover story for these insalubrious developments in the Islamic world. The phrase “Arab Spring” was coined in the West, of course – no matter how far-fetched and misleading. It went viral.
Nevertheless, let us not lose sight of one key insight gleaned from this article: the Western policymakers have been supporting, supplying and feeding the Islamic Courts in Syria who operated under the cover of an acceptable title “Free Syrian Army” composed of hardened criminals and Al-Qaeda-affiliated terrorists.
In the article below you shall find cases that went before the terrorist courts practicing their approved Saudi Arabian version of the Shariah Law and protected by the radical Muslim fighters in Syria. Most of the judges were foreigners to Syria (Egyptians and Saudis). The cases are petty and reveal the extremely small-minded nature of the participants in these disputes. There is no chance of there being any organized resistance against the tyranny of the Islamic courts and their terrorist backers when the population that suffers from their presence is so divided up and locked up in petty disputes, practising vendetta of the lowest order, where husbands get themselves another wife on a whim and beat the living daylights out of their old wife. Do we want such people to come to the West and, for example, support the Democrats in America against the civilized natives?
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Syrians living under Isis accepted the jurisdiction of Islamist courts – does that make them collaborators?
Almost exactly four years ago, a Syrian called Abu al-Zein, from the village of Katbiya in Aleppo province, appeared before the ‘General Court of the Revolutionary Police’ in the town of Deir Hafer to betray his cousins.
Saeed and Ibrahim Abdul al-Ghafour, he testified, had been heard cursing the ‘Free Syrian Army’ – especially a unit of the opposition rebels run by Abu al-Zein himself. “So I presented a complaint [for] military investigation and was surprised that on the second day they were released with no charges,” Abu al-Zein told the revolutionary court. “They are always talking against and cursing the ‘Free Army’ and so I appeal to you for an investigation and accountability [sic] to hold them responsible for all the things they said.”
By mid-summer of 2012, the so-called ‘Free Syrian Army’, a loosely controlled group of militiamen which included deserters from the Syrian army – supported and later armed by Western nations –controlled much of Aleppo province. They set up their own system of police and courts. But within months, Islamist fighters took control of vast areas of Syria, including the town of Deir Hafer. Their ‘Sharia’ rule stretched all the way back to the Isis ‘capital’ of Raqqa and would soon include much of eastern Aleppo city. Only last month were Isis finally driven out of all of Aleppo province by Syrian government troops under Russian air bombardment.
But how had the Syrian citizens of these vast territories survived under their revolutionary new rulers? Did they resist? Did they ‘collaborate’? Or did they – as a Jewish historian of the Holocaust described those who did not resist Nazi rule – ‘help to give the wheel a push’? Because the moment you accept the rules and judicial courts of any new authority, you give them legitimacy.
A few in Deir Hafer spied for the Syrian government and paid the price – on the day of the town’s ‘liberation’, I saw with my own eyes the iron crucifixion bars outside the local black-painted Islamist court. I spoke to a man whose brother had been shot in the head on the very same execution site for flying the Syrian flag from his roof.
But on the floor of the ‘courthouse’, I found hundreds of photocopied, hand-written documents listing the cases which came before the four Islamist judges – all of them Egyptians, according to the townspeople. Isis was fleeing from the eastern end of the town; its incoming mortar fire was still exploding around the centre of Deir Hafer.
Amid a group of Syrian soldiers, one of whose officers had just been killed, I scrambled into the ‘court’ and was able to grab a few documents, one of them accusing a man of attacking an Isis fighter – and presumably put to death. He had been charged with “breaking the rule of God”. Later that day I returned and was able to scoop up dozens more papers lying across the floor of the court and stuff them into my camera bag.
They were incomplete, many were undated, many others left beside the broken desk on which they had been lying. Their contents, however, provided a vivid portrait of poverty, desperation and family feuding; of petty theft and violence under the rule of both secular and Islamist militias in Syria’s civil war.
Saeed al-Ghafour – the man who had “cursed” the ‘Free Syrian Army’ – accused a 47-year old local farmer from the village of Zaariya of securing his arrest, warning his neighbours to stay away from the man who he named as Hussein al-Daban. The court documents record Hussein al Daban’s response: “So I went to him [Saeed] and asked ‘why are you accusing me [of this] when I am ready to swear that I am not the one who informed on you and I am innocent of these accusations’. So Saeed told me to send someone to conduct a military investigation – but I refused and I demand a proper investigation to return to me my dignity.”
ISIS terrorists on the move through the Syrian countryside where Muslim villagers don’t resist them.
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