More substantiation and documentation of the big hoax concerning Bosnia and the one sided pro-Islamic narrative. Everything we have been force-fed by an agenda-driven media and a political elite with twisted priorities has been a lie.
Srebrenica was an Inside Job The Balkan Report
How Alija Izetbegovic's regime held the civilian population of Srebrenica hostage, goaded the [Bosnian]-Serbs into attacking the enclave, and then abandoned the civilian population to the mercy of the attacking enemy.
by Andy Wilcoxson [a libertarian] Wednesday, June 15, 2011
In the wake of the July 1995 fall of the Srebrenica enclave, thousands of Muslim soldiers and draft eligible men were killed or went missing. Some were captured and summarily executed by Bosnian-Serb forces, and others died in combat.
Western governments, news media, and the U.N. War Crimes Tribunal in The Hague have assiduously misled the public about the nature of the massacre, at the same time they have remained conspicuously silent about the role U.N. officials and the Muslim regime in Sarajevo played in orchestrating the massacre.
Srebrenica's Fall Could Have Been Prevented
…[T]he Dutch battalion of U.N. peacekeepers who were deployed in Srebrenica…were authorized to call in air strikes if the enclave was attacked, and when it was attacked they did indeed call in air strikes, but they were blocked by the U.N. until it was too late.
According to the debriefing of Dutch Battalion personnel, "The battalion was counting on massive air support … air support was requested around 10.30 hrs. [on July 11, 1995] Then, despite all of its promises, the U.N. still failed to release air power."
…Even without the U.N.'s help, Bosnian-Muslim president Alija Izetbegovic's regime could have intervened to stop the fall of the enclave and subsequent massacre, but they chose not to act either.
Sefer Halilovic…was the most senior officer in Izetbegovic's military and he testified under oath at the UN war crimes Tribunal in The Hague that "the command of the 2nd Corps and the General Staff knew when the operation on Srebrenica started, but from a series of testimonies, the people who were in Srebrenica, both from military and political structures, we can clearly see that they asked for help, both of the command of the 2nd Corps and the command of the General Staff and President Izetbegovic, but that they did not receive that assistance…
Even though Srebrenica was abandoned by its supposed protectors at the U.N. and by its own government in Sarajevo, the Muslim forces based in Srebrenica should have been able to defend the enclave themselves. Instead, on July 12, 1995, they fled the enclave with the rest of the able-bodied men and abandoned Srebrenica's women, children, and elderly to the mercy of the attacking Bosnian-Serb forces.
Although UN Military Observers (UNMOs) were uncertain of the exact number of Muslim military personnel in Srebrenica, they believed "that at least half had side arms as well as heavy machine guns, light mortars, and anti-tank weapons including rocket propelled grenades and more modern ones."
The Command of the 2nd Corps of the Army of Bosnia Herzegovina (ABiH) prepared a report detailing the operation Srebrenica's men undertook to flee Srebrenica across Bosnian-Serb territory to Tuzla. Their report said, "Numbers were not established when the column was formed, but some estimates put the number in the column at 10,000 to 15,000 people, including approximately 6,000 armed soldiers, not counting soldiers from Zepa."
According to UN Military Observers, at the time of the attack the Bosnian-Serb Army's "Drina Corps was known to be stretched in terms of resources" and the strength of the Bosnian-Serb units surrounding Srebrenica was "1,000 to 3,000 infantry with up to 20 tanks as well as artillery and multiple launch rocket systems." When Srebrenica fell, the UNMOs estimated that the local Bosnian-Serb brigades "probably have around 1,500 infantry in total" and together with reinforcements from units stationed in adjacent areas, the total strength of the Bosnian-Serb forces around Srebrenica was "probably no less than 2,000 infantry."
Even if they hadn't been abandoned by the UN and by their own government, 6,000 armed Muslim soldiers should have been able to fight off 1,000 to 3,000 Serb infantry men.
When the Bosnian-Serbs attacked the enclave, UN Military Observers were stunned that the Muslim army didn't attempt to defend it. In their report they state: "The ABiH had the force ratios to defend the enclave particularly considering its hilly, wooded nature." They went on to write, "The advantages militarily seem to have been with the [Muslim] defenders to at least hold out for longer and have inflicted greater losses on the Bosnian-Serb Army than believed. However, the ABiH leadership seems to have actually acted against their own interests to carryout a successful defense." 
Dutch Battalion personnel in Srebrenica were surprised when Muslim troops in the enclave did not avail themselves of the weapons they were offered. On the morning of July 6th 1995 battalion personnel "Informed the Bosnian government forces that, if the Bosnian-Serb Army crossed the enclave boundary, the arms in the weapon collection point in Srebrenica would be released. Later, when this situation did indeed occur, the Bosnian government forces did not avail themselves of this opportunity."
Foreknowledge of the Massacre
Izetbegovic's decision to refuse Srebrenica's pleas for help and to abandon it to the mercy of the Bosnian-Serb Army is all the more shocking in light of the fact that his regime knew what would happen if Srebrenica fell. They were fully aware of what was at stake. Two years before the massacre, Bosnian vice-premiere Zlatko Lagumdjija told reporters from the London Times that "We shall be witnesses of a big massacre if Srebrenica falls."
The U.N. also had foreknowledge of what would happen. The U.N. chose not to act in 1995 even though it knew as far back as 1993 what kind of massacre would ensue if Srebrenica fell.
Testifying at the UN War Crimes Tribunal in The Hague, the former commander of the UN Protection Force in Bosnia, French General Philippe Morillon told the court that "Naser Oric [the commander of the Bosnian-Muslim military forces in Srebrenica] engaged in attacks during Orthodox [Christian] holidays and destroyed villages, massacring all the inhabitants. This created a degree of hatred that was quite extraordinary in the region."
He said, "Naser Oric was a warlord who reigned by terror in his area and over the population itself. I think that he realized that those were the rules of this horrific war, that he could not allow himself to take prisoners. According to my recollection, he didn't even look for an excuse. It was simply a statement: One can't be bothered with prisoners."
Morillon testified, "I wasn't surprised when the Serbs took me to a village to show me the evacuation of the bodies of the inhabitants that had been thrown into a hole, a village close to Bratunac. And this made me understand the degree to which this infernal situation of blood and vengeance led to a situation when I personally feared that the worst would happen if the Serbs of Bosnia managed to enter the enclaves and Srebrenica." He said, "I saw, a degree of absolute misery with a real risk of tens of thousands being killed.
"I feared that the Serbs, the local Serbs, the Serbs of Bratunac, these militiamen, they wanted to take their revenge for everything that they attributed to Naser Oric. It wasn't just Naser Oric that they wanted to revenge, take their revenge on, they wanted to revenge their dead on Orthodox Christmas…”
After listening to his testimony the Presiding judge asked Morillon, "Are you saying, then, General, that what happened in 1995 was a direct reaction to what Naser Oric did to the Serbs two years before?" And the witness answered, "Yes. Yes, Your Honour. I am convinced of that."
According to the Dutch Battalion's report, the Bosnian-Serb military units surrounding Srebrenica in 1995 "were manned chiefly by Bosnian-Serb refugees who had formerly lived in the enclave."
The soldiers who ultimately perpetrated the July 1995 massacre had been victimized themselves beforehand.
Because Gen. Morillon knew what would happen if the Bosnian-Serbs entered Srebrenica, he tried to have the civilian population evacuated to safety, but he was prevented from doing that by the Bosnian-Muslim authorities.
On April 19, 1993– two years before the massacre – Reuters and the New York Times reported that:
"Authorities in Srebrenica refused today to allow civilians to be evacuated from the besieged Muslim town, a United Nations official said.
"'We have just received confirmation that the Bosnian authorities in Srebrenica will not permit any evacuation', a UN High Commissioner for Refugees spokeswoman said in Belgrade.
"She said the Muslim authorities didn't give a reason for blocking the operation."
During his testimony Morillon noted that "Had I been able to evacuate all those who had wanted me to do so at the time that I intervened in Srebrenica, we could certainly have saved a number of human lives."
He said, "the Bosniaks used the presence of their population to keep the attention of the world focused on their situation, they prevented the evacuation from Srebrenica …the authorities of Izetbegovic were the ones who stood up against the evacuation of those towards Tuzla for all those who wanted to, and there were many of them who wanted to."
Concurrent with Morillon's failed efforts to evacuate the civilian population from Srebrenica, the Security Council designated it a "UN Safe Area" in April 1993.
As a so-called "Safe area", Srebrenica was supposed to be demilitarized. On May 8th 1993 Ratko Mladic on behalf of the Serbs, and Sefer Halilovic on behalf of the Muslims, signed an agreement on the demilitarization of Srebrenica in the presence of Gen. Morillon.
Under the terms of the agreement, all of the weapons in the enclave were to be placed under the control of the UN; in turn the UN was responsible for the security of the enclave. That was how things were on paper, but real life was different.
The Muslims did not demilitarize Srebrenica; instead they used the so-called "safe area" as a base from which to attack the Bosnian-Serb army and the surrounding Serbian villages.
Two weeks before the enclave fell, Muslim troops from Srebrenica attacked an undefended Serbian village. At 4:30 AM on June 26, 1995 they attacked the hamlet of Visnjica near Srebrenica, burning houses, killing livestock, and sending Serb civilians fleeing for their lives.
Conspiracies seldom remain secret, and Srebrenica is no exception. Although the Western news media refuses to discuss the role played by anyone other than the Serbs, some Bosnian-Muslim officials have spoken out.
Ibran Mustafic was a founding member of Alija Izetbegovic's political party, a member of the Bosnian parliament, and a resident of Srebrenica. In 1996 he told Sarajevo's Slobodna Bosna newspaper that "The betrayal of Srebrenica was consciously prepared. Unfortunately, the Bosnian presidency and the Army command were involved in this business; if you want the names, figure it out yourself. I understood the situation in Srebrenica and, you can trust me on this, had I not been prevented by a group of criminals, many more inhabitants of Srebrenica would be alive today. Had I received an order to attack the Serb army from the demilitarized zone, I would have rejected to carry out that order without thinking and would have asked the person who had issued that order to bring his family to Srebrenica so that I can give him a gun and let him stage attacks from the demilitarized zone. I knew that such shameful, calculated moves were leading my people to a catastrophe."
The Motive to Betray One's Own People
In 1998, Srebrenica's wartime chief of police, Hakija Meholjic told the Sarajevo newspaper Dani that in September 1993 Izetbegovic told him: "You know, I was offered by [Bill] Clinton in April that the Chetnik [Serbian] forces enter Srebrenica, carry out a slaughter of 5,000 Muslims, and then there will be a [NATO] military intervention."
Meholjic's statement is corroborated by the UN Secretary General's report on the fall of Srebrenica, which says "Representatives of the Bosniac community gathered in Sarajevo on 28 and 29 September  to vote on the [Invincible] peace package. A delegation of Bosniacs from Srebrenica was transported to Sarajevo by UNPROFOR helicopter to participate in the debate. Prior to the meeting, the delegation met in private with President Izetbegovic, who told them that there were Serb proposals to exchange Srebrenica and Zepa for territories around Sarajevo. The delegation opposed the idea, and the subject was not discussed further. Some surviving members of the Srebrenica delegation have stated that President Izetbegovic also told them he had learned that a NATO intervention in Bosnia and Herzegovina was possible, but could only occur if the Serbs were to break into Srebrenica, killing at least 5,000 of its people. President Izetbegovic has flatly denied making such a statement." [SEE THE DUTCH TV DOCUMENTARY CLIP WITH MEHOLJIC HERE.]
It certainly appears that Alija Izetbegovic incited a massacre against his own people in Srebrenica because he wanted NATO to intervene in the Bosnian war on his behalf.
Izetbegovic's regime provoked the Serbs by perpetrating massacres against them, blocked the evacuation of the civilian population, staged attacks from the safe area, and when the anticipated Serb retaliation finally came, his regime abandoned Srebrenica with full knowledge of what the consequences would be.
The truth is ugly. The Serbs executed enemy POWs in violation of the Geneva Conventions, the Muslims deliberately goaded them into it for propaganda purposes, the U.N. allowed all of it to happen even though they had the means to stop it, NATO got conned into being the Muslim air force, and Western governments and news media lied about the whole thing. The end result of all of it is that thousands of people died needlessly.
In 2004, the U.N. War Crimes Tribunal inThe Hague convicted Bosnian-Serb general Radislav Krstic of aiding and abetting "genocide" (sic) in Srebrenica and sentenced him to 35 years in prison.
Krstic did not participate in, order, or even know the massacre was happening. In fact, Krstic specifically ordered that no harm was to befall the Bosnian Muslim civilians.
The Tribunal ruled that "It was unnecessary for the Trial Chamber to conclude that Radislav Krstic was actually aware that those other criminal acts were being committed; it was sufficient that their occurrence was foreseeable to him and that those other crimes did in fact occur."
The Srebrenica massacre was foreseeable to the Bosnian-Muslim authorities and to the U.N. as well. They too had the ability and the obligation to prevent the massacre, and they didn't do it either. One has to wonder about the integrity of the judicial process surrounding Srebrenica, when someone like Krstic is held responsible and they're not.
One also has to wonder whether a conflict of interest arises when a UN Tribunal conducts the investigations, makes factual findings, and determines criminal liability with regard to events where the UN was as deeply involved as it was in Srebrenica. The UN's failure to demilitarize the enclave or prevent its collapse and subsequent massacre, when it had the ability to do so, certainly begs the question of whether those failures were deliberate or not. [END]
NOTE FROM JULIA GORIN:
So that the reader isn’t left with the impression that ALL THOSE CIVILIANS TRAPPED inside Srebrenica mentioned above were massacred along with the “Muslim men and boys” (indeed, if they were, we wouldn’t be hearing the qualifier “men and boys” ad nauseum), note that Ratko Mladic’s forces organized buses to take the civilians to Muslim-held territory, as the civilians had wanted from the start. He saw them off, talking to those seated on the bus and assuring them safety. There’s video of this. But the press uses these assurances to paint an even more sinister picture. For example, look at the insidious, malevolent writing that St. Louis Post-Dispatch writers Phillip O’Connor and Stephen Deere used in this article they co-wrote upon Mladic’s capture:
Just hours before the 1995 attack, Mladic appeared in a now infamous video stroking the cheek of a terrified child and telling the crowd, “Don’t be afraid, no one will hurt you.”
After women and children were loaded onto buses and transported out of the area, the killing began. It went on for days.
This is supposed to stick in the reader’s mind as if the child didn’t make it to safety; the writers are conflating the subsequent deaths of escaping soldiers with the children Mladic gave candy and safe passage to. The “candy” mention comes from similarly insidious wording in this AP report, which the above article copies almost verbatim at some points (which is how Balkans reporting has always been done anyway):
Just hours before the massacre, Mladic handed out candy to Muslim children in the town's square, assuring them everything would be fine and patting one child on the head. Then the shootings began and the bodies of the victims were bulldozed into mass graves.
I think that the aforementioned “infamous video” of Mladic “stroking the cheek of a terrified child and telling the crowd, ‘Don’t be afraid, no one will hurt you’”—may be this one, viewable to those with a Facebook account:
It's basically him hopping onto each bus and saying "Hi, I'm Ratko Mladic, you are all going to be safely evacuated." The monster!
Meanwhile, the evactuation that the Serbs did–which the Bosnian government refused to do in order to keep the civilians in danger—is of course being referred to in media and government as ethnic cleansing. Just one example—and a more mild one at that—comes from that same AP report:
“In early July that year, more than 8,000 Bosnian Muslim men and boys were executed by Serbian forces, and the town's women and children were driven out of the area.”
(This recalls how a Serbian bishop was threatened by the internationals with a war crimes indictent for ethnic cleansing for obliging to help put together buses to clear Muslim women and children out of the crossfire in a Herzegovina town.)
What else they’re doing in the media now is adding the phrase “including women and children” with regard to who was killed in Srebrenica. This is perhaps a conflation of Srebrenica and Sarajevo, or perhaps they’re seizing on the fact that, among all the remains at the identification office, exactly 5 are female so far. (Here I must emphasize that most of the remains are indeterminate re the potential cause, manner, place and time of death over the course of living through three years of war. But you’re just supposed to think they were “executed,” and by Serbs.)
In an email from Nebojsa Malic, we get a broader picture of what happened (emphasis mine):
Upon taking Srebrenica, the Serbs find it empty. Muslim soldiers had gone off towards Tuzla. The Serbs find the Muslim civilians overflowing the UN camp in the nearby hamlet of Potocari. They detain SOME men, and SOME of those are MIA presumed dead – but neither the Dutch nor ANYONE else who was there actually witnessed them die. The civilians are told they can stay if they want to, or be evacuated to Muslim territory. They choose evacuation. Gen. Mladic organizes buses and trucks (at a time when fuel was incredibly difficult to come by, no less) and sees them off personally. There are videos of him talking to the civilians in the buses (you can see clearly there are a few men in there as well, and boys aplenty), and guarantees them safety. They are bused to Kladanj and handed over to the Muslims.
(NOTE: It’s not surprising that plenty of males survived as well, since the Serbs were weeding people out in order to find the perpetrators of the raids on their villages. Indeed, the majority of Srebrenica’s 40,000 population survived, with 35,632 registering with the World Health Organization and Bosnian government by the first week of August ’95.)
If Mladic had used the same standard the Croats applied to Serbs a month later [Operation Storm], he'd have made them walk on their own, and shot them up every so often, just for LOLs. Instead, the Serbs WENT OUT OF THEIR WAY to AVOID harming civilians.
Or as Emil Vlajki (half-Croat, half-Jewish VP of the Serb Republic currently) said on TV recently, "Had the Nazis acted the way the Serbs are accused of acting, 4 million more Jews would have been alive today." (Many of his own relatives perished in the Shoah.)
One thing to keep in mind about Srebrenica is that it didn't start out as an enclave. Starting in March 1992, Oric actually marauded up and down the Drina valley, until his defeat in the spring of 1993. Oric then retreated to Srebrenica, where the Serbs had him cornered. The UN commander at the time, French general Morillon, led a convoy through Serb territory to get food into the town Muslim propaganda claimed was starving to the point of cannibalism. Once there, he tried to get some civilians out, but Oric prevented him – suffering civilians were a key element of the Muslims' war strategy; without them, there was no CNN Effect, and no chance of an outside intervention. Morillon did eventually manage to evacuate some seriously injured people and kids and set up food convoys into the town.
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