NATO Suspends Training of Kosovo Security Force After KLA Dedication Event

Getting their wish with the help of the US and NATO:

Mustafa Kruja, the Prime Minister of
Albania, was in Kosovo in June 1942, and at a meeting with the Albanian
leaders of Kosovo, he said: "We should endeavour to ensure that the
Serb population of Kosovo be – the area be cleansed of them and all
Serbs who had been living there for centuries should be termed
colonialists and sent to concentration camps in Albania. The Serb
settlers should be killed."^[50][51]

KFOR (NATO) Commander Gen. Markus Bentler has decided to suspend the training of the Kosovo Security Force (KSF) until further notice. More rotten fruit  from Clinton's dangerous and wrongheaded war for the Albanian Muslims against the Christians.

And now the US is insisting upon creating Kosovo as a sovereign state, a militant Islamic state in the heart of Europe. And now this.

The Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) was a Kosovar Albanian (Muslim) terrorist, secessionist and irredentist jihadist organization which violently agitated for the separation of Kosovo from Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in the 1990s.

NATO suspends training of Kosovo Security Force after KLA dedication event

PRIŠTINA — KFOR Commander Gen. Markus
Bentler has decided to suspend the training of the Kosovo Security Force (KSF) until further
notice.

This was announced on Sunday evening in
Priština by the NATO-led force's HQ in Kosovo.

The statement said that
the measure was taken after "KSF's guard of honor" on March 5 in Priština
"appeared in the form of an armed formation during an event dedicated to the
former KLA".

"This is not in line with the position of the KSF, which
does not have a military status. Besides, the NATO flag was displayed during the
festivities, which is unacceptable, as KFOR is status-neutral," Beta news agency
quoted the statement as saying.

Bentler yesterday met with the Kosovo
Albanian leadership, including Fatmir Sejdiu and Hashim Thaci, and the minister
and chief of KSF, Fehmi Mujota and Sulejman Selimi.

Earlier today,
reports from Priština quoted Sejdiu as saying that he believed a previous
announcement by a KFOR spokesman, who said the force's relations with KSF were
"frozen", was in fact misinterpreted.

"KFOR is an important investor in
the enlargement of KSF and you know that all the steps thus far were undertaken
in agreement and partnership and I believe that in the future (it) will
contribute to our NATO membership," Sejdiu was quoted.

Hashim Thaci's
deputy, Hajredin Kuci, said that the situation "should be clarified", but added
that "nobody should expect Kosovo not to behave like a sovereign state".

KSF is trained under NATO's command, and its mandate is to deal with
elementary disasters. The formation is expected to be operational in several
years' time

Julia Gorin in Thursday's Washington Times:

Something happened after President Clinton's 1999 war in Kosovo: It
never ended. Its continuation was characterized by anti-Serb arson,
kidnappings, bombings of NATO-escorted civilian buses and efforts to
kill everyone from schoolgirls to octogenarians, plus the rare
peacekeeper who tried to prevent any of this.

Toward the end of 1999, several major newspapers reported on findings
that mass graves such as the infamous Trepca zinc mine turned up empty,
as did the stadium we were told was being used as a concentration camp.
Anyone reading this one-time follow-up also would have learned that the
"cleansing" of 800,000 Albanians had more to do with NATO bombs and
Kosovo Liberation Army orders than with the outrageous claim that Serbia
was trying to empty the province of 90 percent of its population.

But the bombshell postwar story had no legs. No media outlet, human
rights organization or congressional subcommittee launched an
investigation, and the press moved on, taking the public with it. So
Americans don't know that within months of our serving as the Kosovo
Liberation Army's (KLA) air force, the Albanian insurgents also tried to
seize the Presevo Valley area in southern Serbia and by early 2001
started a civil war in Macedonia, which had sheltered 400,000 refugees
during the Kosovo war.

At the same time, the Albanian fighters started to engage NATO troops
openly. In February 2000, the U.N. and NATO in Kosovo issued a joint
statement that "two young French soldiers, who came here as
peacekeepers, are lying in hospital beds suffering from gunshot wounds
inflicted on them by the very people that they came here to protect,"
the CATO Institute's Gary Dempsey reported. He added, "As a candid
intelligence officer with the U.N. Mission in Kosovo [UNMIK] explained
to me in November, 'We are their tool, and when we stop being useful to
them, they will turn against us.'"

In March 2000, The Washington Post reported, "A senior Pentagon official
warned yesterday that U.S. troops in Kosovo this spring may have to
fight their former allies, ethnic Albanian guerrillas who are rearming
themselves and threatening cross-border attacks against Serbia. 'This
has got to cease and desist, and if not, ultimately it is going to lead
to confrontation between the Albanians and KFOR [NATO Kosovo Force].' "

[….]

We didn't want Albanians to start killing us, so we let them keep
killing Serbs. Rather than see what would happen if we tried saying "no"
to Albanian demands and designs, and risk Americans discerning the real
nature of their new best friends – which of course would compound the
domestic terror threat – we guaranteed ourselves a bigger, more
entrenched and more global problem.

When Kosovo re-entered the headlines in 2008, some started catching on.
In March 2008, Northwestern University law professor Eugene Kontorovich
wrote in the New York Sun, "An important ingredient of Kosovo's success
in achieving self-determination seems to be their constant threats of
violence. The Kosovar prime minister … often warned of 'dangers' and
'unforeseeable consequences' if the province were not allowed to secede.
… As a result, NATO and America have become parties to the carve-up
of a sovereign state that they subdued by force. … For international
law, the entire process is a string of humiliations … peacekeepers are
hostages; and sovereignty is trumped by the threat of terror."

"Hostages" precisely describes the West in Kosovo. If anyone wonders why
the George W. Bush administration joined the Clintonites in the belief
that "independence is the only viable option" and "there can be no
compromise," it's because in the gangster's paradise of Kosovo, the
United States alternates between hostage and gangster. The Albanians
give us ultimatums, and we give the Serbs ultimatums. Our government
toes the Albanian line, and our press toes the government line. United
Press International's Robert M. Hayden gave a glimpse of it in March
2008: "The problem is not that 'Serb nationalists' are resisting 'the
West,' as it is put by those U.S. journalists who honor the First
Amendment by parroting the State Department. … [A political solution]
could have been reached with Serbia, but neither the Clinton
administration nor that of George W. Bush wanted one."

A clearer picture emerges of the "failed" negotiations between Belgrade
and Pristina, to which the Serbian delegation would come with lists of
various broad compromises, and the Albanian delegation would look at
their watches. Sabotaging the "negotiations" before each round – and
redefining the term – Mr. Bush or Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice
would announce that the end result would be independence.

An excerpt from a 1999 Q&A in Time magazine illuminates how far we
swerved from our original goals: "The alliance wants Kosovo to be given
autonomy within the Yugoslav federation, but opposes the full
independence that the KLA is fighting for, fearing that creating a new
Kosovar-Albanian state would further destabilize an already volatile
region."

Today, however, even the language is reversed: that which we knew would
destabilize the region is now promoted as what is needed to "stabilize"
the region. And so our military is being used to enforce KLA directives
and make the last of the resisting Serbs comply with the new reality.

Most of the last resisting Serbs are in the only remaining part of
Kosovo where it is still safe to be Serbian, Northern Kosovska
Mitrovica, along the boundary with Serbia. The Serbs there have been
open to a partition that would allow them to stay within the
internationally recognized borders of their country, Serbia. But we were
informed by our Albanian "partners" that a partition was out of the
question, ironically invoking "territorial integrity" – which our
leaders then repeated.

Rather than Kosovo's diabolical path to statehood, our bureaucrats and
media point to Belgrade as the problem, because it backs Northern
Mitrovica, where Serbian institutions are still in place. We are warned
that the real threat is Belgrade's refusal to recognize the land grab,
its turning to Moscow for support and its creation of "parallel
institutions." A rich admonition indeed, given that Kosovo's parallel
Albanian institutions within the host society were what brought us to
the hailed secession itself.

NATO troops have been amassing around Northern Mitrovica, and in a few
months, with or without Belgrade finally selling out the Kosovo Serbs
(always a looming possibility), we will witness the next act of war by
U.S.-led NATO against an ally that has never been a threat to America.
We will be enforcing borders that only one-third of U.N. member states
even recognize to deliver nothing less than the full territory that our
masters demand.

This time, when Americans watch our military "contain" the Serbs, they
should recognize it for what it is. The troops themselves would do well
to understand what is being enforced with their hands. And when the
images gracing American TVs are again exclusively of the "wild" Serbian
reaction, meant to depict Serbs as violent and therefore justifying the
aggression that caused it, Americans should ask themselves how they
might react if coerced to secede from their country by an ethnic group
that reached majority status in their area.

In February 2007, Jim Jatras, a former senior analyst for the Senate
Republican Foreign Policy Committee, asked a Hungarian member of the
European Parliament, "Why are you rewarding Albanian violence with state
power?" The member replied, "Because we're afraid of them."

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