Raise Your Purple Fingers Everyone!

Americans for a Free Iraq
Raise a Purple Finger for Freedom – Show Solidarity with Free Iraqis in Their
Upcoming Election

www.purplefingerforfreedom.org 

On December 15, the people of Iraq will do what no American should ever have
to contemplate. They will risk their lives to vote. For the third time this
year, the brave people of Iraq will go to the polls to determine their future.
This time they will do so to elect a new government under the constitution that
they approved in an October referendum.

Join Bill Bennett and other radio hosts who are encouraging
Americans to follow her
example by asking them to ink their right index finger purple from December
12-15 to show support for the freedom loving people of Iraq as they prepare to
vote on December 15th.

Here are some other things you can to do to show support for a free
Iraq:

From December 12 – 15 ink your right index fingers purple or wear a purple
ribbon.

Encourage their constituents to do the same.

Ask your member of the State House of Senate to pass a resolution in support
of a free Iraq.

Email photos of yourself or with other supporters flashing a "Purple Finger
‘V’ for Victory in Iraq to purplefinger.org

Encourage local schools in the district to download the Purple Finger for
Freedom Model Lesson plan from

www.purplefingerforfreedom.org and ask teachers
to teach a current events class about the upcoming Iraqi election based on
it.

Let’s show the world that freedom loving peoples are united.

Post the "SHOW SUPPORT for FREE IRAQIS" graphic below
on your website with a link to www.purplefingerforfreedom.org
Add your organization’s name to the list of Supporting
Organizations  

UPDATE:  President Bush’s Speech today on Iraq and the War on Terror here

                 REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT
                 ON THE WAR ON
TERROR

 

Park Hyatt
Philadelphia

Philadelphia,
Pennsylvania

11:16 A.M.
EST      
THE PRESIDENT:  Thank
you all.  (Applause.)  Thank you.  Thanks for the warm welcome.  Thank you for
the chance to come and speak to the Philadelphia World Affairs Council.  This is
an important organization that has, since 1949, has provided a forum for debate
and discussion on important issues.  I’ve come to discuss an issue that’s really
important, and that is victory in the war on terror. 

 

     And that war started on
September the 11th, 2001, when our nation
awoke to a sudden attack. Like generations before us, we have accepted new
responsibilities, we’re confronting dangers with new resolve. We’re taking the
fight to those who attacked us and to those who share their murderous vision for
future attacks. We will fight this war without wavering, and we’ll prevail.

 

     The war on terror will
take many turns, and the enemy must be defeated on many — on every battlefield,
from the streets of Western cities to the mountains of Afghanistan, to the tribal
regions of Pakistan, to the islands of
Southeast Asia and to the Horn of
Africa.  Yet the terrorists have made it clear that Iraq is the central
front in their war against humanity, so we must recognize Iraq is the central
front in the war on terror.

 

Last month, my
administration released a document called the "National Strategy for Victory in
Iraq" — and in recent
weeks I’ve been discussing our strategy with the American people.  At the U.S.
Naval Academy, I spoke about our efforts to defeat the terrorists and train
Iraqi security forces so they can provide safety for their own citizens.  Last
week before the Council on Foreign Relations, I explained how we are working
with Iraqi forces and Iraqi leaders to help Iraqis improve security and restore
order, to rebuild cities taken from the enemy, and to help the national
government revitalize Iraq‘s infrastructure
and economy.  Today I’m going to speak in depth about another vital element of
our strategy:  our efforts to help the Iraqi people build a lasting democracy in
the heart of the Middle East.  I can think of no
better place to discuss the rise of a free Iraq than in the heart
of Philadelphia, the city where
America‘s democracy was
born.

 

I want to thank
the — Buntzie Churchill and Bill Sasso for letting me come.  Thank you all for
welcoming me.  I got something to say, I’m looking forward to saying it here. 
I’m traveling with United States Senators — they’re
always quick to hop a ride on Air Force One.  (Laughter.)  Particularly when
they don’t have to reimburse the government.  (Laughter.)  But I’m proud to be a
friend of Arlen Specter and Rick Santorum.  They’re fine, honorable members of
the United States Senate.  (Applause.)  I’m also pleased that Jim Gerlach and
Mike Fitzpatrick and Joe Pitts of the United States Congress are with us. 
Thanks for serving.  Thanks for being here.  (Applause.)

 

A few blocks
from here stands Independence Hall, where our Declaration of Independence was
signed and our Constitution was debated.  From the perspective of more than two
centuries, the success of America‘s democratic
experiment seems almost inevitable.  At the time, however, that success didn’t
seem so obvious or assured. 

 

The eight years
from the end of the Revolutionary War to the election of a constitutional
government were a time of disorder and upheaval.  There were uprisings, with
mobs attacking courthouses and government buildings.  There was a planned
military coup that was defused only by the personal intervention of General
Washington.  In 1783, Congress was chased from this city by angry veterans
demanding back-pay, and they stayed on the run for six months.  There were
tensions between the mercantile North and the agricultural South that threatened
to break apart our young republic.  And there were British loyalists who were
opposed to independence and had to be reconciled with America‘s new democracy. 

 

Our founders
faced many difficult challenges — they made mistakes, they learned from their
experiences, and they adjusted their approach.  Our nation’s first effort at
governing — a governing charter, the Articles of Confederation, failed.  It
took years of debate and compromise before we ratified our Constitution and
inaugurated our first president.  It took a four-year civil war, and a century
of struggle after that, before the promise of our Declaration was extended to
all Americans. 

 

It is important
to keep this history in mind as we look at the progress of freedom and democracy
in Iraq.  No nation in
history has made the transition to a free society without facing challenges,
setbacks, and false starts.  The past two-and-a-half years have been a period of
difficult struggle in Iraq, yet they’ve also
been a time of great hope and achievement for the Iraqi people.

 

Just over
two-and-a-half years ago, Iraq was in the grip of a cruel dictator who had
invaded his neighbors, sponsored terrorists, pursued and used weapons of mass
destruction, murdered his own people, and for more than a decade, defied the
demands of the United Nations and the civilized world.  Since then, the Iraqi
people have assumed sovereignty over their country, held free elections, drafted
a democratic constitution, and approved that constitution in a nationwide
referendum.  Three days from now, they go to polls for the third time this year,
and choose a new government under the new constitution. 

 

It’s a
remarkable transformation for a country that has virtually no experience with
democracy, and which is struggling to overcome the legacy of one of the worst
tyrannies the world has known.  And Iraqis achieved all this while determined
enemies use violence and destruction to stop the progress.  There’s still a lot
of difficult work to be done in Iraq, but thanks to the
courage of the Iraqi people, the year 2005 will be recorded as a turning point
in the history of Iraq, the history of the
Middle East, and the history of
freedom.

 

As the Iraqi
people struggle to build their democracy, adversaries continue their war on a
free Iraq.  The enemy in
Iraq is a combination of
rejectionists and Saddamists and terrorists.  The rejectionists are ordinary
Iraqis, mostly Sunni Arabs, who miss the privileged status they had under the
regime of Saddam Hussein.  They reject an Iraq in which they’re no
longer the dominant group.  We believe that over time most of this group will be
persuaded to support a democratic Iraq led by a federal
government that is strong enough to protect minority rights, and we’re
encouraged that many Sunnis plan to actively participate in this week’s
election. 

 

The Saddamists
are former regime loyalists who harbor dreams of returning to power, and they’re
trying to foment anti-democratic sentiment amongst the larger Sunni community. 
Yet they lack popular support, and over time, they can be marginalized and
defeated by the people and security forces of a free Iraq. 

 

The terrorists
affiliated with or inspired by al Qaeda are the smallest, but most lethal
group.  Many are foreigners coming to fight freedom’s progress in
Iraq.  They are led by a
brutal terrorist named Zarqawi — al Qaeda’s chief of operations in
Iraq — who has stated
his allegiance to Osama bin Laden.  The terrorists’ stated objective is to drive
U.S. and coalition
forces out of Iraq and gain control of
that country, and then use Iraq as a base from
which to launch attacks against America, overthrow moderate
governments in the Middle East, and establish a
totalitarian Islamic empire that reaches from Spain to
Indonesia. 

 

The terrorists
in Iraq share the ideology
of the terrorists who struck the United States on September the
11th.  They share the ideology with those who blew up commuters in
London and
Madrid, murdered tourists
in Bali, and killed workers
in Riyadh, and slaughtered
guests at a wedding in Amman,
Jordan.  This is an enemy
without conscience, and they cannot be appeased.  If we were not fighting and
destroying this enemy in Iraq, they would not be
leading quiet lives as good citizens.  They would be plotting and killing our
citizens, across the world and here at home.  By fighting the terrorists in
Iraq, we are confronting
a direct threat to the American people, and we will accept nothing less than
complete victory.  (Applause.)

 

We are pursuing
a comprehensive strategy in Iraq.  Our goal is
victory, and victory will be achieved when the terrorists and Saddamists can no
longer threaten Iraq‘s democracy, when
the Iraqi security forces can provide for the safety of their own citizens, and
when Iraq is not a safe haven
for terrorists to plot new attacks against our nation. 

 

Our strategy in
Iraq has three
elements:  On the economic side, we’re helping the Iraqis restore their
infrastructure, reform their economy, and build the prosperity that will give
all Iraqis a stake in a free and peaceful Iraq.  On the security
side, coalition and Iraqi forces are on the offense against the enemy.  We’re
working together to clear out areas controlled by the terrorists and Saddam
loyalists, and leaving Iraqi forces to hold territory taken from the enemy.  And
as we help Iraqis fight these enemies, we are working to build capable and
effective Iraqi security forces, so they can take the lead in the fight, and
eventually take responsibility for the safety and security of their citizens
without major foreign assistance. 

 

We’re making
steady progress.  The Iraqi forces are becoming more and more capable.  They’re
taking more responsibility for more and more territory.  We’re transferring
bases to their control so they can take the fight to the enemy.  And that means
American and coalition forces can concentrate on training Iraqis, and hunting
down the high-value targets like the terrorist Zarqawi and his
associates.

 

Today, I want
to discuss the political element of our strategy:  our efforts to help the
Iraqis build inclusive democratic institutions that will protect the interests
of all the Iraqi people.  By helping Iraqis to build a democracy, we will win
over those who doubted they had a place in a new Iraq, and undermine the
terrorists and Saddamists.  By helping Iraqis to build a democracy, we will gain
an ally in the war on terror.  By helping Iraqis build a democracy, we will
inspire reformers across the Middle East.  And by helping
Iraqis build a democracy, we will bring hope to a troubled region, and this will
make the American people more secure.

 

From the
outset, the political element of our strategy in Iraq has been guided by
a clear principle:  Democracy takes different forms in different cultures.  Yet
in all cultures, successful free societies are built on certain common
foundations — rule of law, freedom of speech, freedom of assembly, a free
economy, and freedom to worship.  Respect for the belief of others is the only
way to build a society where compassion and tolerance prevail.  Societies that
lay these foundations not only survive, but thrive.  Societies that do not lay
these foundations risk backsliding into tyranny. 

 

When our
coalition arrived in Iraq, we found a nation
where almost none of these basic foundations existed.  Decades of brutal rule by
Saddam Hussein had destroyed the fabric of Iraqi civil society.  Under
Saddam,
Iraq was a country where
dissent was crushed.  A centralized economy enriched a dictator instead of the
people; secret courts meted out repression instead of justice; and Shia Muslims,
and Kurds and other groups were brutally oppressed.  And when Saddam Hussein’s
regime fled Baghdad, they left behind a
country with few civic institutions in place to hold Iraq society together. 

 

To fill the
vacuum after liberation, we established the Coalition Provisional Authority.  The CPA was ably led by Ambassador
Jerry Bremer, and many fine officials from our government volunteered to serve
in the EPA — CPA.  While things did not always go as planned, these men and
women did a good job under extremely difficult and dangerous circumstances —
helping to restore basic services, making sure food was distributed, and
reestablishing government ministries. 

 

One of the
CPA’s most important tasks was bringing the Iraqi people into the
decision-making process of their government after decades of tyrannical rule. 
Three months after liberation, our coalition worked with the United Nations and
Iraqi leaders to establish an Iraqi Governing Council.  The Governing Council
gave Iraqis a voice in their own affairs, but it was unelected.  It was
subordinate to the CPA and, therefore, it did not satisfy the hunger of Iraqis
for self-government.  Like free people everywhere, Iraqis wanted to be governed
by leaders they had elected, not foreign officials. 

 

So in the
summer of 2003, we proposed a plan to transfer sovereignty to the Iraqi people. 
Under this plan, the CPA would continue to govern Iraq while appointed
Iraqi leaders drafted a constitution, put that constitution before the people,
and then held elections to choose a new government.  Only when that elected
government took office would the Iraqis regain their sovereignty.

 

This plan met
with the disapproval of the Iraqis.  They made it clear that they wanted a
constitution that was written by elected leaders of a free Iraq, and they wanted
sovereignty placed in Iraqi hands sooner.  We listened, and we adjusted our
approach.  In November of 2003, we negotiated a new plan with the Governing
Council, with steps for an accelerated transition to Iraqi self-government.  Under this new plan, a Transitional
Administrative Law was written by the Governing Council and adopted in March of
2004.  This law guaranteed personal freedoms unprecedented in the Arab world,
and set forth four major milestones to guide Iraq‘s transition to a
constitutional democracy.

 

The first
milestone was the transfer of sovereignty to an Iraqi interim government by the
end of June 2004.  The second was for Iraqis to hold free elections to choose a
transitional government by January of 2005.  The third was for Iraqis to adopt a
democratic constitution, which would be drafted no later than August 2005, and
put before the Iraqi people in a nationwide referendum no later than October. 
And the fourth was for Iraqis to choose a government under that democratic
constitution, with elections held December 2005. 

 

The first
milestone was met when our coalition handed over  sovereignty to the Iraqi
leaders on June 28th, 2004 — two days ahead
of schedule.  In January 2005, Iraqis met the second milestone when they went to
the polls and chose their leaders in free elections.  Almost eight-and-a-half
million Iraqis defied the car bombers and assassins to cast their ballots, and
the world watched in awe as jubilant Iraqis danced in the street and held
ink-stained fingers and celebrated their freedom.

 

The January
elections were a watershed event for Iraq and the
Middle East, yet they were not
without flaws.  One problem was the failure of the vast majority of Sunni Arabs
to vote.  When Sunnis saw a new 275-member parliament taking power in which they
had only 16 seats, many realized that their failure to participate in the
democrat process had hurt their chances and hurt their groups — it hurt their
constituencies.  And Shia and Kurdish leaders who had won power at the polls saw
that for a free and unified Iraq to succeed, they
needed Sunni Arabs to be part of the government.  We encouraged
Iraq‘s leaders to reach
out to Sunni leaders, and bring them into the governing process.  When the
transitional government was seated in the spring of this year, Sunni Arabs
filled important posts, including a vice president, a minister of defense, and
the speaker of the National Assembly. 

 

The new
government’s main political challenge — next political challenge was to meet
the third milestone, which was adopting a democratic constitution.  Again,
Iraq‘s leaders reached
out to Sunni Arabs who had boycotted the elections and included them in the
drafting process.  Fifteen Sunni Arab negotiators and several Sunni Arab
advisors joined the work of the constitutional drafting committee.  After much
tough debate, representatives of Iraq‘s diverse
communities drafted a bold constitution that guarantees the rule of law, freedom
of assembly, property rights, freedom of speech and the press, women’s rights,
and the right to vote.  As one Arab scholar put it, the Iraqi constitution marks
"the dawn of a new age in Arab life."

 

The document
that initially emerged from the committee did not unify Iraqis, and many Sunnis
on the constitutional committee did not support the draft.  Yet
Iraq‘s leaders continued
working to gain Sunni support.  And thanks to last-minute changes — including a
new procedure for considering amendments to the constitution next year — a deal
was struck four days before the Iraqis went to the polls.  The revised
constitution was endorsed by Iraq”s largest Sunni
party.  It was approved in referendum that attracted over a million more voters
than in the January elections.  Many Sunnis voted against the constitution, but
Sunnis voted in large numbers for the first time.  They joined the political
process.  And by doing so, they reject the violence of the Saddamists and
rejectionists.  Through hard work and compromise, Iraqis adopted the most
progressive, democratic constitution in the Arab world. 

 

On Thursday,
Iraqis will meet their fourth milestone.  And when they do go to the polls and
choose a new government under the new constitution, it will be a remarkable
event in the Arab world.  Despite terrorist violence, the country is buzzing
with signs and sounds of democracy in action.  The streets of
Baghdad, and Najaf and
Mosul, and other cities
are full of signs and posters.  The television and radio air waves are thick
with political ads and commentary.  Hundreds of parties and coalitions have
registered for this week’s elections, and they’re campaigning vigorously. 
Candidates are holding rallies and laying out their agendas and asking for the
vote. 

 

Our troops see
this young democracy up close.  First Lieutenant Frank Shriley of
Rock Hall,
Maryland, says, "It’s a cool
thing riding around Baghdad and seeing the
posters — it reminds me of being home during election time.  After so many
years of being told what to do, having a real vote is
different."

 

Unlike the
January elections, many Sunnis are campaigning vigorously for office this time
around.  Many Sunni parties that opposed the constitution have registered to
compete in this week’s vote.  Two major Sunni coalitions have formed, and other
Sunni leaders have joined national coalitions that cross religious, ethnic, and
sectarian boundaries.  As one Sunni politician put it, this election "is a vote
for Iraq; we want a national
Iraq, not a sectarian
one." 

 

To encourage
broader participation by all Iraqi communities, the National Assembly made
important changes in Iraq‘s electoral laws
that will increase Sunni representation in the new assembly.  In the January
elections, Iraq was one giant
electoral district, so seats in the transitional assembly simply reflected
turnout.  Because few Sunnis voted, their communities were left with little
representation.  Now, Iraq has a new electoral
system, where seats in the new Council of Representatives will be allocated by
province and population — much like our own House of Representatives.  This new
system is encouraging more Sunnis to join in the democratic process because it
ensures that Sunnis will be well-represented, even if the terrorists and
Saddamists try to intimidate voters in the provinces where most Sunnis live.

 

More Sunnis are
involved because they see Iraqi democracy succeeding.  They have learned a
lesson of democracy:  They must participate to have a voice in their nation’s
affairs.  A leading Sunni who had boycotted the January vote put it this way: 
"The Sunnis are now ready to participate."  A Sunni sheik explains why Sunnis
must join the process:  "In order not to be marginalized, we need power in the
National Assembly."  As more Sunnis join the political process, the Saddamists
and remaining rejectionists will be marginalized.  As more Sunnis join the
political process, they will protect the interests of their community. 

 

Like the Shia
and Kurds, who face daily attacks from the terrorists and Saddamists, many
Sunnis who join the political process are being targeted by the enemies of a
free Iraq.  The Iraqi Islamic
Party — a Sunni party that boycotted the January vote and now supports
elections — has seen its offices bombed.  And a party leader reports that at
least 10 members have been killed since the party announced it would field
candidates in Thursday’s elections.  Recently a top Sunni electoral official
visited the Sunni stronghold of Baquba.  He went to encourage local leaders to
participate in the elections.  During his visit, a roadside bomb went off.  It
rattled his convoy, but it didn’t stop it.  He says this about the attempt on
his life:  "The bomb is nothing [compared to] what we’re doing.  What we’re
doing is bigger than the bomb." 

 

By pressing
forward and meeting their milestones, the Iraqi people have built momentum for
freedom and democracy.  They’ve encouraged those outside the process to come
in.  At every stage, there was enormous pressure to let the deadlines slide,
with skeptics and pessimists declaring that Iraqis were not ready for
self-government.  At every stage, Iraqis proved the skeptics and pessimists
wrong.  At every stage, Iraqis have exposed the errors of those in our country
and across the world who question the universal appeal of liberty.  By meeting
their milestones, Iraqis are defeating a brutal enemy, rejecting a murderous
ideology, and choosing freedom over terror.

 

This week
elections won’t be perfect, and a successful vote is not the end of the
process.  Iraqis still have more difficult work ahead, and our coalition and the
new Iraqi government will face many challenges, including in four critical
errors — areas:  ensuring Iraqi security, forming an inclusive Iraqi
government, encouraging Iraqi reconciliation, and maintaining Iraqi democracy in
a tough neighborhood.

 

The first key
challenge is security.  As democracy takes hold in Iraq, the terrorists and
Saddamists will continue to use violence.  They will try to break our will and
intimidate the Iraqi people and their leaders.  These enemies aren’t going to
give up because of a successful election.  They understand what is at stake in
Iraq.  They know that as
democracy takes root in that country, their hateful ideology will suffer a
devastating blow, and the Middle East will have a clear
example of freedom and prosperity and hope. 

 

So our
coalition will continue to hunt down the terrorists and Saddamists.  We’ll
continue training Iraqi security forces to take the lead in the fight, and
defend their new democracy.  As the Iraqi security forces stand up, coalition
forces can stand down.  And when victory is achieved, our troops will then
return home with the honor they have earned.   

 

The second key
challenge is forming an inclusive government that protects the interests of all
Iraqis, and encourages more in the rejectionist camp to abandon violence and
embrace politics.  Early next year, Iraq‘s new parliament
will come to Baghdad and select a prime
minister, and a presidency council, and a cabinet of ministers.  Two-thirds of
the new parliament must agree on the top leadership posts, and this will demand
negotiation and compromise.  It will require patience by America and our coalition
allies.  This new government will face many tough decisions on issues such as
security and reconstruction and economic reform.  Iraqi leaders will also have
to review and possibly amend the constitution and ensure that this historic
document earns the broad support of all Iraqi communities.  By taking these
steps, Iraqi leaders will build a strong and lasting democracy.  This is an
important step in helping to defeat the terrorists and the
Saddamists.

 

The third key
challenge is establishing rule of law and the culture of reconciliation.  Iraqis
still have to overcome longstanding ethnic and religious tensions, and the
legacy of three decades of dictatorship.  During the regime of Saddam Hussein,
Shia, Kurds and other groups were brutally oppressed, and for some there is now
a temptation to take justice into their own hands.  Recently,
U.S. and Iraqi troops
have discovered prisons in Iraq where mostly Sunni
men were held, some of whom have appeared to have been beaten and tortured. 
This conduct is unacceptable, and the Prime Minister and other Iraqi officials
have condemned these abuses, an investigation has been launched,  and we support
these efforts.  Those who committed these crimes must be held to
account.

 

We will
continue helping Iraqis build an impartial system of justice that protects all
of Iraq‘s citizens. 
Millions of Iraqis are seeing their independent judiciary in action, as their
former dictator, Saddam Hussein, is put on trial in Baghdad.  The man who once
struck fear in the hearts of Iraqis has heard his victims recount the acts of
torture and murder that he ordered.  One Iraqi watching the proceedings said: 
"We all feel happiness about this fair trial."  Slowly but surely, with the help
of our coalition, Iraqis are replacing the rule of a tyrant with the rule of
law, and ensuring equal justice for all their citizens.

 

Oh, I know some
fear the possibility that Iraq could break apart
and fall into a civil war.  I don’t believe these fears are justified.  They’re
not justified so long as we do not abandon the Iraqi people in their hour of
need.  Encouraging reconciliation and human rights in a society scarred by
decades of arbitrary violence and sectarian division is not going to be easy and
it’s going to happen overnight.  Yet the Iraqi government has a process in place
to resolve even the most difficult issues through negotiate, debate and
compromise.  And the United States, along with the
United Nations and the Arab League and other international partners, will
support these efforts to help resolve these issues.  And as Iraqis continue to
develop the habits of liberty, they will gain confidence in the future, and
ensure that Iraqi nationalism trumps Iraqi sectarianism.   

 

A fourth key
challenge is for Iraqis to maintain their newfound freedoms in a tough
neighborhood.  Iraq‘s neighbor to the
east, Iran, is actively
working to undermine a free Iraq. 
Iran doesn’t want
democracy in Iraq to succeed because
a free Iraq threatens the
legitimacy of Iran‘s oppressive
theocracy.  Iraq‘s neighbor to the
west, Syria, is permitting
terrorists to use that territory to cross into Iraq.  The vast majority
of Iraqis do not want to live under an Iranian-style theocracy, and they don’t
want Syria to allow the
transit of bombers and killers into Iraq — and the
United States of America will stand with the
Iraqi people against the threats from these neighbors.  (Applause.)

 

We’ll continue
to encourage greater support from the Arab world and the broader international
community.  Many Arab states have kept the new Iraq at arms’ distance. 
Yet as more Arab states are beginning to recognize that a free
Iraq is here to stay,
they’re starting to give Iraq‘s new government
more support.  Recently, Saudi Arabia,
Egypt, and
Jordan have welcomed the
Iraqi Prime Minister on official visits.  Last month, the Arab League hosted a
meeting in Cairo to promote national
reconciliation among Iraqis, and another such meeting is planned for next year
in Baghdad. 

 

These are
important steps, and Iraq‘s neighbors need to
do more.  Arab leaders are beginning to recognize that the choice in
Iraq is between
democracy and terrorism, and there is no middle ground.  The success of Iraqi
democracy is in their vital interests because if the terrorists prevail in
Iraq, they will then
target other Arab nations.

 

International
support for Iraq‘s democracy is
growing, as well.  Other nations have pledged more than $13 billion in
assistance to Iraq, and we call on
them, those who have pledged assistance, to make good on their commitments.  The
World Bank recently approved its first loan to Iraq in over 30 years,
lending the Iraqi government $100 million to improve the Iraqi school system. 
The United Nations is playing a vital role in Iraq — they assisted in
last January’s elections, and the negotiations for the constitution, and in the
recent constitutional referendum.  And at the request of the Iraqi government,
the U.N. Security Council unanimously approved a resolution extending the
mandate of the multinational force in Iraq through 2006. 
Earlier this year, the European Union co-hosted a conference for more than 80
countries and international organizations, so they can better coordinate their
efforts to help Iraqis rebuild their nation.  Whatever differences there were
over the decision to liberate Iraq, all free nations
now share a common interest — building an Iraq that will fight
terror, and be a source of stability and freedom in a troubled region of the
world.

 

The challenges
ahead are complex and difficult, yet Iraqis are determined to overcome them and
build a free nation.  And they require our support.  Millions of Iraqis will put
their lives on the line this Thursday in the name of liberty and democracy.  And
160,000 of America‘s finest are
putting their lives on the line so Iraqis can succeed.  The American and Iraqi
people share the same interests and the same enemies — and by helping democracy
succeed in Iraq, we bring greater
security to our citizens here at home.

 

The terrorists know that
democracy is their enemy, and they will continue fighting freedom’s progress
with all the hateful determination they can muster.  Yet the Iraqi people are
stepping forward to claim their liberty, and they will have it.   When the new
Iraqi government takes office next year, Iraqis will have the only
constitutional democracy in the Arab world, and Americans will have a partner
for peace and moderation in the Middle East.

 

People across
the broader Middle East are drawing, and
will continue to draw inspiration from Iraq‘s progress, and the
terrorists’ powerful myth is being destroyed.  In a 1998 fatwa, Osama bin Laden
argued that the suffering of the Iraqi people was justification for his
declaration of war on America.  Now bin Laden and
al Qaeda are the direct cause of the Iraqi people’s suffering.  As more Muslims
across the world see this, they’re turning against the terrorists.  As the hope
of liberty spreads in the Middle East, the terrorists
will lose their sponsors, lose their recruits, and lose the sanctuaries they
need to plan new attacks. 

 

A free
Iraq is not going to be
a quiet Iraq — it will be a
nation full of passionate debate and vigorous political activity.  It will be a
nation that continues to face some level of violence.  Yet Iraqis are showing
they have the patience and the courage to make democracy work — and Americans
have the patience and courage to help them succeed. 

 

We’ve done this
kind of work before; we must have confidence in our cause.  In World War II, the
free nations defeated fascism and helped our former adversaries,
Germany and
Japan, build strong
democracies — and today, these nations are allies in securing the peace.  In
the Cold War, free nations defeated communism, and helped our former Warsaw Pact
adversaries become strong democracies — and today, nations of Central and
Eastern Europe are allies in the
war on terror.

 

Today in the
Middle East, freedom is once
again contending with a totalitarian ideology that seeks to sow anger and hatred
and despair.  And like fascism and communism before, the hateful ideologies that
use terror will be defeated by the unstoppable power of freedom. 
(Applause.)

 

And the advance
of freedom in the Middle East requires freedom in
Iraq.  By helping Iraqis
build a lasting democracy, we will spread the hope of liberty across a troubled
region, and we’ll gain new allies in the cause of freedom.  By helping Iraqis
build a strong democracy, we’re adding to our own security, and, like a
generation before us, we’re laying the foundation of peace for generations to
come.

 

Not far from
here where we gather today is a symbol of freedom familiar to all Americans —
the Liberty Bell.  When the Declaration of Independence was first read in
public, the Liberty Bell was sounded in celebration, and a witness said:  "It
rang as if it meant something."  Today, the call of liberty is being heard in
Baghdad and
Basra, and other Iraqi
cities, and its sound is echoing across the broader Middle
East.  From Damascus to
Tehran, people hear it,
and they know it means something.  It means that the days of tyranny and terror
are ending, and a new day of hope and freedom is dawning. 

 

Thank you for
letting me come.  (Applause.)

 

I thought I
might answer some questions.  (Laughter.)  Yes, ma’am.

 

Q    Since the
inception of the Iraqi war, I’d like to know the approximate total of Iraqis who
have been killed.  And by Iraqis I include civilians, military, police,
insurgents, translators.

 

THE PRESIDENT: 
How many Iraqi citizens have died in this war?  I would say 30,000, more or
less, have died as a result of the initial incursion and the ongoing violence
against Iraqis.  We’ve lost about 2,140 of our own troops in Iraq. 

 

Yes.

 

Q    Mr.
President, thank you —

 

THE PRESIDENT: 
I’ll repeat the question.  If I don’t like it, I’ll make it up.  (Laughter and
applause.)

 

Q    — Thank
you for coming to the city where liberty was born.  Central to your policy in
Iraq is the role of the
Iraqis.  We hear widely different tales about how the Iraqis are doing in their
own area of defense.  Could you give us your perspective on how they’re doing,
how well the military is doing, what you feel the capability is to do the task
that you want them to do, to include some of the widely different impressions
that we hear about.

 

THE PRESIDENT: 
No, I appreciate that.  When we first began training — our strategy all along
has been to train Iraqis so they can take the fight and succeed in what we’re
trying to do, which is a democracy — a democracy which will serve as an example
for others; a democracy which will join us in the fight on terror; a democracy
which will help us prevent other countries from becoming safe haven for
terrorists who still want to kill us.  That’s — that was our objective.  And
all along we wanted the Iraqis to be able to do — take the
fight.

 

When we first
got going we said we’ll train an army that will be able to deal with external
threats, and a civil defense corps that will be able to deal with internal
threats.  And the problem with that strategy was that the internal threats were
a heck of a lot more severe than the external threats, and the army — the
civilian corps we trained was not properly trained and
equipped.

 

So we
adjusted.  We trained everybody for the army and — recognizing that the army is
going to have to not only take the fight to the enemy — or the new army take
the fight to the enemy, but when we clear enemies out of places like Mosul, that
there has to be an Iraqi army presence to earn the confidence of the
people.

 

When the war
first got going, we’d move into Mosul, clear out an
enemy, leave, and the enemy would return.  And so the Iraqi people had no
confidence in the future.  They were — they didn’t dare, for example, tell
coalition forces or Iraqi forces the names of those who were killing their
citizens because they didn’t have the confidence there would be a force to
protect them.  And so we began the process of clearing out and holding with more
and more trained Iraqi forces.  And now the Iraqi forces are helping to rebuild
these cities.  Democracy is only going to succeed if people say, my life is
going to be better.  I mean, no different a campaign here — you know, vote for
me, I want to help improve your life.

 

And that’s what
— and so the strategy has been to — let me say, we adjusted our strategy, and
there’s about 200,000-plus capable units.  Now, not all of them are ready to
take the fight to the enemy.  In order to have a division or a battalion ready
to fight, you’ve got to be able to communicate, you’ve got to be able to move,
you’ve got to be able to have logistical supplies.  But more and more of the
Iraqis are in the lead in the fight, and more and more Iraqis are being trained
so they can hold the positions once we clear.

 

We are not
completed — we haven’t completed the job of training the Iraqis.  But what is
beginning to happen is, is that you’re beginning to see our troops step back
from the fight.  I don’t know if you realize, we had some 90 bases in
Iraq, and I think we’ve
closed about 40 — or turned over — closed or turned over 40 of those bases to
the Iraqis.  In other words, our profile is beginning to move back as the Iraqis
get trained up — so that we can continue working on training, and also help
them chase down Zarqawi and his buddies.  They’re — these guys are very tough
and they’re cold-blooded killers.

 

The enemy has
got one weapon.  See, they can’t defeat us militarily.  What they can do is they
can — and will — kill innocent people in the hopes of trying to get the
United States of America to leave the
battlefield early.  The only way we can lose is if we lose our nerve.  And they
know that.  And they’ve stated that publicly. 

 

And — but the
training is going much better than it was in the first year.  The — and we’ve
just got more to do, and we need to do it, because a free Iraq, again, will be an
important ally in this war.  This is a global struggle we’re in.  It’s — this
isn’t an enemy that is isolated, kind of angry group of people.  These are
people that have got a totalitarian vision.  They’ve got designs and ambitions. 
They’ve laid out their strategy and they explained their tactics.  And we’ve got
to listen to them and take them seriously.  And part of their tactics is to
create vacuums so that their hateful ideology flows in. 

 

They — listen,
the attack of September the 11th was a part of a broad strategy to get us to
retreat from the world.  And that — people say, well, he’s making it up that
they want to establish a totalitarian empire that stretches from
Spain to
Indonesia.  I’m telling you
what they said; not me.  This is what Zawahiri has said — the number-two man in
al Qaeda.  It seems like to me we need to take it seriously when the enemy says
something. 

 

Kind of getting
off subject, here, but — yes, sir.

 

Q    Mr.
President, I’m a proud U.S. citizen,
naturalized, and card-carrying Republican.  I voted for you both times.  I grew
in India, a Sunni.  In fact,
the President of the Republic of
India is a Sunni.  And I
think it’s a great testimony to this nation that was — the vision of which was
laid out within a few — half a mile of here, that somebody like me can be in a
position of leadership and be successfully engaged in contributing to the
current and future economic well-being of this nation.  Mr. President, I support
your efforts in Iraq.  But I’d like to
know what are we going to do in the broader battle in creating a favorable image
and reaching out to people across the world, so that people like me all over the
world can be passionate supporters of the United
States.

 

THE PRESIDENT: 
Yes, I appreciate that.  First of all, success will help the image of the
United States.  Look, I recognize
we got an image issue, particularly when you got television stations, Arabic
television stations that are constantly just pounding America, creating — saying
America is fighting Islam,
Americans can’t stand Muslims, this is a war against a religion.  And we’ve got
to, obviously, do a better job of reminding people that ours is not a nation
that rejects religion; ours is a nation that accepts people of all faith, and
that the great strength of America is the capacity for people to worship
freely. 

 

It’s
difficult.  I mean, their propaganda machine is pretty darn intense.  And so
we’re constantly sending out messages, we’re constantly trying to reassure
people, but we’re also — we’re also acting.  And that’s what’s important for
our citizens to realize.  Our position in the world is such that I don’t think
we can retreat.  I think we have a duty and an obligation to use our vast
influence to help. 

 

I cite two
examples of where I think it will make a big — of where American image in the
Muslim world will be improved.  One is the tsunami.  The tsunamis hit; it was
the United States military, through
the USS Abraham Lincoln, that provided the logistical organization necessary to
get the — to get the — to save a lot of lives.  We moved.  A lot of people
kind of sat around and discussed; not us.  We saw a problem and we moved. 

 

Same in
Pakistan.  The earthquake in
Pakistan is devastating. 
The United States of America was first on the
scene.  We got a lot of kids flying choppers all around that country providing
help and aid. 

 

And so I guess
what I’m saying to you is, is that a proper use of influence that helps improve
people’s lives is the best way to affect — to change the image of country, and
to defeat the propaganda.  Having said all that, a lot of people want to come to
America.  The image may be
bad, but give them a chance, all you who want to come to America, raise your hand —
there’s a lot wanting to come.  That’s another issue, which is immigration
reform. 

 

But thank you
for that.  One thing America must never do is
lose our capacity to take people from all walks of life and help them become an
American, first and foremost.  That’s what distinguishes us from other cultures
and other nations.  You can come from wherever you are, and I can come from
Texas, and we both share
the same deal — we’re Americans first and foremost.  I happen to be a
Methodist.  You’re a Sunni.  (Laughter.) 

 

Yes,
ma’am.

 

Q    Mr.
President, I would like to know why it is that you and others in your
administration keep linking 9/11 to the invasion of Iraq when no respected
journalist or Middle Eastern expert confirmed that such a link existed. 

 

THE PRESIDENT: 
What did she — I missed the question.  Sorry.  I didn’t — I beg your pardon, I
didn’t hear you.  Seriously.

 

Q    I would
like to know why you and others in your administration invoke 9/11 as
justification for the invasion of Iraq
—

 

THE PRESIDENT: 
Yes —

 

Q    — when no
respected journalists or other Middle Eastern experts confirm that such a link
existed.

 

THE PRESIDENT: 
I appreciate that.  9/11 changed my look on foreign policy.  I mean, it said
that oceans no longer protect us, that we can’t take threats for granted; that
if we see a threat, we’ve got to deal with it.  It doesn’t have to be
militarily, necessarily, but we got to deal with it.  We can’t — can’t just
hope for the best anymore. 

 

And so the
first decision I made, as you know, was to — was to deal with the Taliban in
Afghanistan because they were
harboring terrorists.  This is where the terrorists planned and plotted.  And
the second decision, — which was a very difficult decision for me, by the way,
and it’s one that I — I didn’t take lightly — was that Saddam Hussein was a
threat.  He is a declared enemy of the United
States; he had used weapons of mass destruction;
the entire world thought he had weapons of mass destruction.  The United Nations
had declared in more than 10 — I can’t remember the exact number of resolutions
— that disclose, or disarm, or face serious consequences.  I mean, there was a
serious international effort to say to Saddam Hussein, you’re a threat.  And the
9/11 attacks extenuated that threat, as far as I — concerned.

 

And so we gave
Saddam Hussein the chance to disclose or disarm, and he refused.  And I made a
tough decision.  And knowing what I know today, I’d make the decision again. 
Removing Saddam Hussein makes this world a better place and America a safer country. 
(Applause.)

 

Last question. 
I’ve actually got something to do.  (Laughter.)  You’re paying me all this
money, I’d better get back to work.  (Laughter.) 

 

Hold on a
second.  Got a guy here.

 

Q    Mr.
President, I’m from the Phelps School; I’m a supporter of
yours.

 

THE PRESIDENT: 
Oops, that kind of prejudices your question.  (Laughter.) 

 

Q    Well I
have a question for you.  Do you feel that since invading Iraq, the threat of
terrorism on U.S. soil has been
reduced significantly?

 

THE PRESIDENT: 
I think it’s been reduced; I don’t think we’re safe.  What will really give me
confidence to say that we’re safe is when I can tell the American people we’ve
got the capacity to know exactly where the enemy is moving.  This is a different
kind of war.  These people hide.  They — they’re patient and they’re
sophisticated.  And that’s why our intelligence-gathering is really
important.

 

You know,
occasionally they come out and want to fight like they’re doing in
Iraq.  This guy,
Zarqawi, has sworn his allegiance to bin Laden.  He has — he’s declared his
intentions.  But there’s a lot of them who lurk and hide.  And what we’ve really
got to do is continue to hone our intelligence-gathering to make sure that we
can, as best as possible, understand their intents and watch their movements. 
And this requires international cooperation. 

 

I will tell you
the international cooperation, when it comes to sharing intelligence, is good. 
It requires us being able to cut off their money and move money around.  They
can’t — it turns out, they can’t launch attacks without money.  And so we’re
doing the best we can to work with others to find out where their money is
moving.  And that way, it will be a — give us a chance to find out where they
are.

 

The long run in
this war is going to require a change of governments in parts of the world. 
It’s — and this is why it’s very important for me to continue to remind the
American people about what’s taking place in history.  One of my favorite
stories is to tell people about — or go-bys — is to tell people about my
relationship with Koizumi, Prime Minister Koizumi of Japan.  He’s an
interesting guy.  He likes Elvis, for example, which is  — (laughter) —
interesting — (laughter).  He’s a friend.  He’s also a friend when it comes to
peace.  He’s a reliable, steady ally when it comes to dealing with
North Korea. 
North Korea is a country that
has declared boldly they’ve got nuclear weapons, they counterfeit our money, and
they’ve starving their people to death.  And it’s good to have an ally that
understands human rights and the condition of the human being are vital for this
world and world peace. 

 

And yet, 60
years ago, my dad fought against the Japanese — many of your relatives did, as
well.  They were the sworn enemy of the United
States.  I find it amazing — I don’t know if you
find it amazing — I find it amazing that I sit down with this guy, strategizing
about how to make the world a more peaceful place when my dad and others fought
him. 

 

And so what
happened?  Now, 60 years seems like a long time, particularly if you’re 59, like
me.  (Laughter.)  But it’s not all that long in history, when you think about
it.  And what happened was a Japanese-style democracy emerged.  Democracies
yield the peace.  That’s what history has shown us.  That’s what I tried to say
in my peroration in this speech.  That’s a long word.  I’m doing it for Senator
Specter here.  (Laughter and applause.)  Just showing off, Senator.  Just trying
to look good in front of the folks here at home.  (Laughter.)  But it’s an
accurate portrayal of what has happened.  Democracies yield the peace. 

 

So the
fundamental question is, do we have the confidence and universal values to help
change a troubled part of the world.  If you’re a supporter of
Israel, I would strongly
urge you to help other countries become democracies.  Israel‘s long-term
survival depends upon the spread of democracy in the Middle
East.  I recognize people have — (applause) — I
fully recognize that some say it’s impossible, that maybe only a certain kind of
people can be — can accept democracy.  I just — I reject that.  I don’t agree
with that.  I believe democracy — the desire to be free is universal.  That’s
what I believe.  And if you believe that, then you’ve got to act on it.  That
doesn’t mean militarily.  But that means using the influence of the
United States to work with others
to help — to help freedom spread. 

 

And that’s what
you’re seeing in Iraq.  And it’s hard. 
It’s hard for a country that has come from dictatorship two-and-a-half years ago
to become a democracy.  It is hard work.  There’s a lot of resentment and anger
and bitterness.  But I believe it’s going to happen.  And the only way it won’t
happen is if we leave, if we lose our nerve, if we allow the terrorists to
achieve their objective.  The only way we can lose this is for us to say to the
terrorists, maybe you aren’t dangerous, after all — you know, by leaving, maybe
that you’ll become hospitable, decent citizens of the world.  That’s not
reality.  And my job as the President is to see the world the way it is, not the
way we hope it is.  (Applause.)

 

I, again, want
to thank you for giving me the chance to come and deliver this speech.  I’m
grateful for your interest.  May God bless you all, and may God continue to
bless America.  (Applause.)

 

                     END   
        12:14 P.M. EST